ΑΛΛΗΛΕΓΓΥΗ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΕ: ΕΞΕΛΙΞΕΙΣ ΣΤΟ ΠΕΔΙΟ ΤΗΣ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΙΚΗΣ ΠΡΟΣΤΑΣΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΚΛΗΣΕΙΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΕ ΚΑΙ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

Dimitrios Akrivoulis 25 had systematized and defined the several functions of a form of constitution that worked well, although not without difficulties, under his own hand. His system was the system of a king who felt himself at one with the nation he governed, who was content to act as the head and hand of the national body. In sharing political power with his people, he gave to the parliament more than was consistent with a royal despotism, he retained in his own hands more than was consistent with the theory of limited monarchy. He was willing to have no interest apart from his people, but he would not be less than every inch a king. The share of power which he gave was given to be used in concert with him; the share that he retained was retained that he might control the aims and exertions of the national strength. There was what is called, in mod- ern phrase, solidarity between him and his people . He had not calculated on the succession of a race that would maintain a separate interest, apart from or opposed to that of the nation. 26 At least in this first meaning, the OED returns to the concept almost a century later, in the conservative early 1960s, and in a rather pejorative sense. Of course, the early Cold War did not allow much space for a socialist concept to prosper in the English speaking world. As a result, the concept was normally associated with the contours of the ideological rival, the Soviet Union and its ‘satellite states’, which (were seen as) finding refuge in a long bygone conceptual trajectory in their anti-colonial struggle, already at work. The dominant and sweeping discourse of the times in the West, and in Great Britain in particular, was functionalism. The working class and its unions had already shown signs of compromising class solidar- ity and ideological allegiance in the name of a new instrumentality. 27 In the more revolutionary 1970s however the socialist conceptualization of solidarity returned with a revival of its mid-19 th -century internationalism. 28 By the 1980s, the concept of solidarity fully returned in the English vocabulary in its most sanctioned sense. 26. William Stubbs, The Constitutional History of England in Its Origin and Development , Vol. II, 4 th edition, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1896, pp. 310, 324, emphases added. 27. “1962 Listener 31 May 935/1 These gangs have group-cohesiveness (in our present jar- gon) or solidarity (in socialist jargon), but they are against society. 1963 Daily Tel. 5 Feb. 10/2 Twice as many countries are attending this conference as were at the Afro- Asian States conference in Bandung in 1955; but the great difference is that those now meeting are merely ‘solidarity organisations’. 1968 Listener 6 June 713/1 Well before the last election, sociologists were telling us that an increasing number of working-class people were beginning to look at politics instrumentally rather than in terms of class solidarity or ideological allegiance.” Quoted from OED, under ‘solidarity’, 1. 28. “1971 I. DEUTSCHER Marxism in our Time (1972) v. 109 The perennial conflict between national egoism and international solidarity becomes more and more visible. 1974 So- cialist Worker 9 Nov. 6/4 The building workers called a solidarity strike. 1977 Time 4 July 7/3 In the months since then, Soviet ideologues have opened a campaign to in- crease ‘fidelity to the principles of internationalist solidarity’—party jargon for rallying round Moscow’s flag.” Quoted in ibid .